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    No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without either the prior written permission of the publisher.

    Biagini, G. Motta, A. Carteny, A. Nevertheless the publishers, the editors and the authors do not accept responsibility for any omission or error, or for any injury, damage, loss, or financial consequences arising from the use of the book.

    The views expressed by contributors do not necessarily reflect those of the Mediterranean Center of Social and Educational Research and Sapienza University of Rome. Frckoski, Ss.

    As long as the Arabs were looking forward to the imminent fall of Constantinople this frontier marked only a temporary pause, but the failure of the siege and the political upheavals which preoccupied the caliphate during much of the middle decades of the eighth century led to a gradual change in strategy and outlook.

    In this period, Byzantine strategy embraced not only positional defense but also a policy of intercepting Muslim raids returning from plundering expeditions. In , the Abbasid army reached the Bosporus, near which they defeated the Byzantines at Nicomedia Izmit or Kocaeli , forcing Irene to sue for peace, accept a three-year truce, and pay tribute.

    In , Abbasid forces advanced to the Byzantine cities of Ephesus and Ancyra Ankara , forcing Empress Irene to reinstate the payment of previously agreed tributes.

    This proved the last time that a hostile Arab army stood before the walls of the proud capital. In the decisive battle of Poson, the Muslim army was almost entirely destroyed and Umar was slain.

    The victory was celebrated with great pomp at the Hippodrome in Constantinople Mikaberidze, I. With regard to the events of A. Ibn Jubayr presents the Muslims conquering Constantinople in A. Furthermore, it was the Latin inhabitants of the city who were slaughtered by the Byzantines in the attack he describes.

    Concluding remarks As said in the beginning the Arabs created a fleet on the basis of the knowledge they found in certain individuals of the local peoples of the Near East who previously served the Byzantines. Among the places conquered by the Muslim Arabs were coastal towns and commercial ports. Some of these local men who knew how to construct and man a ship joined the conquerors and fought alongside them. Besides, there were dockyards both in Syrian and Palestinian coastal towns as well as in those in Egypt.

    That is why the Arabs managed in a short time to draft experts and organize effective fleets. Indeed, the Syrian and the Egyptian fleets played a great role in the early sea battles. These fleets served the early ambitious goal which was the capture of Constantinople and thus the realization of their aim to supplant Byzantium.

    In order to achieve this aim, the fleets organized by the Arabs followed the armies that besieged Constantinople. These came to be prophetic announcements that were attributed to the Prophet Muhammad or to any one of his companions and that describe the signs and portents of the last hour and the tribulations that will precede it.

    Accounts of the apocalypse were widespread in the early community of Muslim believers. In fact, speculation about the end of the world was rife among all religious communities in the Near East at that time. Some of these accounts attempted to articulate the theological and political relationship between the Muslim and Byzantine communities.

    A number of traditions created a relatively comprehensive apocalyptic explanation for the failure to take Constantinople.

    The periodic emergence of apocalyptic texts and their accumulation usually indicates periods of tribulation, military defeat, or social and economic pressure. Once it became clear to the Arabs that the capture of Constantinople was not going to take place in the foreseeable future, predictions of a future conquest waned and were replaced by apocalyptic expectation.

    However, El Cheikh is not sure if these traditions reflect the Muslim reaction to the repeated failures of the Muslim armies to conquer the city. After the Muslim defeats and the failure of the repeated sieges of Constantinople, in particular, the Byzantines became the most challenging enemy of the Islamic state.

    By adopting an apocalyptic vision, the Muslims were giving way to realism and pragmatism, after they had attempted to conquer the city several times and failed.

    Constantinople was the real challenge and the real prize. The capital of the Byzantines was not only a wealthy city and a center of trade. It was also the center of culture and of civilization. Once Byzantine influence started to recede, Constantinople could not be totally ignored, but its capture was postponed to a remote future.

    Hence, the conquest of the Byzantine capital passed from the domain of politics and propaganda to that of legend and eschatology El Cheikh It is well known that the conquest of Constantinople was a transcendent, religious goal for the Muslims, especially after their failure in to accomplish it Canard, References Ahrweiler, H. I, pp. San Francisco: Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique.

    Book of Proceedings

    Bosworth, C. Journal of Oriental and African Studies, , Brooks, E. The Campaign of , from Arabic Sources. The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 19, Bury, J. Reprinted Chicago: Argonaut. Canard, M. Journal Asiatique, , Christides, V. The Conquest of Crete by the Arabs ca. Athens: Academy of Athens. Conrad, L. Cameron and L. Conrad eds. Princeton: Darwin Press. Crone, P. Slaves on Horses. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. El Cheikh, N. Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.

    Fahmy, A. Edited by M. De Goeje. Leiden: E. Gabrieli, F. Greeks and Arabs in the Central Mediterranean Area. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 18, Gibb, H. Arab-Byzantine Relations under the Umayyad Caliphate. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 12, Guilland, R. Al-Mashriq, 40, Hitti, P. Revised Tenth Edition by W.

    London: Palgrave Macmillan. Hoyland, R. Edited by AÈmad Ubayd. AÈmad b. Umar MuÈammad b.

    The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History. Translated by F. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Jenkins, R. Cyprus between Byzantium and Islam, A.

    Mylonas and D. Raymond eds. II, pp. Saint Louis: Washington University. Kaegi, W. Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests. Khalidi, T. Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period. A tham Kyrris, C. The nature of the Arab-Byzantine relations in Cyprus from the middle of the 7th to the middle of the 10th century A.

    Book of Proceedings

    Graeco-Arabica, 3, Lewis, A. European Naval and Maritime History, Edited by Clément Huart. Mikaberidze, A. Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World. A Historical Encyclopedia. Porphyrogenitus, Constantine De Administrando Imperio. Edited by G. Translated by R. Washington, D. Pryor, J. Rose, S. Islam versus Christendom: The Naval Dimension, The Journal of Military History, Simeonava, L. In Dion C. Smythe ed. Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum.

    Stratos, A. The naval engagement at Phoenix. Laiou — Thomadakis ed. New Brunswick, N. English translations: Ehsan Yar-Shater ed. Translated and annotated by M.

    Ehsan Yar-Shater ed. Translated and annotated by D. Theophanes the Confessor Edited by C. Leipzig: Teubner. Tritton, A. Siege of Constantinople, A. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 22, Introduction When one studies the history of the peoples who lived around the coasts of the Mediterranean in the period between A.

    This fact has its origins in the events of the seventh century, when the peoples around the coasts of Mediterranean Sea were overwhelmed by new political, social and cultural changes. The Mediterranean Sea was no longer the mare nostrum.

    The clash between Byzantium and the Arabs in the Central Mediterranean appears to us first of all as a continuous struggle for naval supremacy, in fact a struggle for the actual domination over the sea routes.

    The frontiers between these two broad divisions might shift from time to time. One group or the other would be dominant at different periods but in essence conflict at sea would be the story of struggle to obtain and maintain this dominance. This consciousness of belonging to the Mediterranean, and plans for expansion in it, were abandoned with the fall of the Umayyads in A. The emergence of the Abbasids marked the final orientalization of the Caliphate.

    It had been the heir and the rival of Byzantium; now it became the continuator of Asiatic traditions - in the first place those of the Sassanids. The Abbasid state, even in its heyday, was entirely continental. It had no war fleet of any importance in Mediterranean. It liquidated Maghrib, or at least suffered it to become detached from the Empire. In brief, it turned its back on the Mediterranean. Cyprus saw a shared condominium of power between the Abbasid Caliphate and Byzantium Christides, ; Jenkins, ; Kyrris, Admittedly with more limited means and aims, smaller but more organic formations took up the expansion by sea of the Islamic forces, which appeared increasingly indispensable to the continuation of conquest Gabrieli, Factors contributed to maritime activity in the Mediterranean An understanding of the imperatives driving maritime activity in this area at these dates, however, depends on the discussion of several factors besides religious differences.

    First of all, the unchanging imperatives of the physical world, the configuration of the coastline, its capes, bays and islands, the currents and the winds need to be considered. Secondly, there are questions of politics or of the location of power, the aims and skills of rulers and their possible preoccupations elsewhere than in the Mediterranean.

    Thirdly, there are the imperatives of logistics and economics. Did any area have great advantages in ship types? Was seaborne trade the real issue underlying all others, with the urge to seize a commercial advantage, the root cause of much conflict at sea?

    Rose, In the early Middle Ages, pace the great naval assaults on Constantinople itself in and , the most serious threat from Islam developed in the ninth and tenth centuries. During that period Muslims were able in some cases to capture and hold, and in other cases to compromise seriously Christian authority over all of the islands and some of the important mainland regions and bases along the trunk routes of the sea. It does seem, however, that in composition and tactics Muslim flotillas were quite similar to those of their Byzantine opponents.

    Since much of their activity consisted of raiding, Muslim Mediterranean flotillas of warships included more fast, oared vessels and fewer sailing naves than was the case for their Byzantine naval rivals. But the overall organization of Muslim fleets very much resembled that of Byzantine fleets. Such operations posed extremely serious threats to Byzantine shipping Pryor, There were, however, also several differences between these two naval establishments.

    In addition, the Arabs suffered from a severe deficiency in wood necessary for naval construction, especially in the eastern Mediterranean Lewis and Runyan, Their power and domination over it was vast. The Christian nations could do nothing against the Muslim fleets, anywhere in the Mediterranean.

    All the time, the Muslims rode its waves for conquest. Muslim sea power contributed greatly in this period towards making it a prosperous one for the commercial economies of various Muslim states and towards promoting Muslim maritime traffic throughout the Mediterranean Pryor, n. The Muslims came closest to achieving their goals in the first two to three decades of the eighth century, after which their expansion slowed down. They did completely overrun the Persian Empire. The first three Arab civil wars, A.

    Their failure resulted more from their own internal dissensions than from the recuperative powers and military adaptations of their opponents in the seventh and early eighth centuries.

    The high water mark of military expansion against Byzantium was probably the first or second siege of Constantinople A. In any case, the first Muslim civil war seriously arrested the growing military momentum of the Muslims Kaegi, From the earliest times, Constantinople had been the ultimate goal of the Muslim conquests, and its continuous presence in the Arabic Islamic texts throughout the medieval period reflects its symbolic importance as an ideal city representing the totality of the achievements of a grandiose Christian civilization.

    With the conquest of the Byzantine capital, one of the inveterate dreams and most cherished goals of Islamic ideology were to be realized. The focus of the early references to Constantinople was on its ultimate conquest. The tenacious resistance of the Byzantines relegated the conquest of the Byzantine capital to apocalypticism. Constantinople had survived the successive attempts of Muslim armies to capture it.

    When reading Arabic-Islamic medieval literature, it is impossible to avoid noticing the special mystique that Constantinople held for the Arab Muslims. They were also responding to its literary and historical associations. It is therefore crucial to recognize that the perception of space was shaped by subjective factors, for space is not only part of the material world but is part of the world of imagination, as well. The texts and the discourses contained within them convey the unmistakable ambiguity and complexity that underlay the Arab Muslim attraction to, and understanding of, the Byzantine capital.

    This intricate image did not go unnoticed by contemporaries. Knowledge of the Byzantine Empire meant knowledge of its boundaries, countryside, and cities, as well as the routes and mountain passes leading to it, and especially to its capital. For Muslim geography, Constantinople is located at that place where the continent extends to Rome and the land of the Franks, to the east is the land of the Turks. For the Arabs, the significance of Constantinople lay as much in its political and cultural prestige as in its material affluence and magnificence.

    This was especially true in the early days of Muslim expansion and during the consolidation of the Muslim state. The ambition of the first-century caliphs seem to have been nothing less than the establishment of their power in Constantinople, for the city was the natural focus of their growing empire and thus the target of several military campaigns.

    But with the solidification of the structure of the Islamic empire, Umayyad policy began to disengage itself from Byzantine tradition. A Further Study Objective Apart from the naval struggle, this article aims at presenting the accounts found in various Arabic sources on expeditions launched against Constantinople during the period of the early expansion of the Muslim Arabs.

    The bulk of our scholarship linking Byzantines with Muslims focuses on their interactions as military and religious antagonists, or their diplomatic and commercial exchanges, or the occasional osmosis of cultural influences across frontiers that were, more often than not, barriers rather than bridges. Nonetheless, at the margins of this corpus, one finds a smattering of discussion and fragments of evidence pertinent to our theme, above all in the incomparable oeuvre of Marius Canard Such Arabic accounts date back to the middle of the 7th century A.

    Indeed, the expeditions against Constantinople are celebrated both in Muslim history and legend and have found their way into the Muslim eschatological literature.

    Their causes are discussed, their expeditions and operations are detailed, and various anecdotes connected to them are related.

    Indeed, these events are celebrated both in history and in legend and have even found their way into eschatological literature El Cheikh, The Muslim expeditions against Constantinople as described in Arabic historiography of the early period In all there were four distinct expeditions which reached Byzantium. The first was in A.

    August — September under Maslama. As early as A. The Byzantine defeat opened the eastern Mediterranean to further Muslim expansion. However, by A. The following year, the Muslims crossed the Bosporus to attack the Byzantine capital, Constantinople, but were repelled by the Byzantines at Amorium.

    Many times was Constantinople the aim of attacks by Umayyad forces, the only occasions on which Syro-Arabs ever succeeded in reaching the high triple wall of the mighty capital were in the years A. Byzantium had a new and energetic emperor, Constantine IV A. In , the Muslims attempted to seize Constantinople by a prolonged siege but failed.

    At his time, the attack on Constantinople was waged mainly between the two fleets before Constantinople. This served as winter headquarters for the invading army, whence hostilities were resumed every spring.

    The Arab accounts of these campaigns are badly confused in our sources. The use of Greek fire is supposed to have saved the city. The Greek accounts dilate on the disastrous effect of this fire on the enemy ships. In , the Byzantine navy decisively defeated the Muslim navy in the Sea of Marmara, which greatly contributed to a lifting of the siege the following year. As a result, the Muslim advance in Asia Minor and the Aegean was halted, and an agreement to a thirty-year truce was concluded soon after.

    Full-scale war began in A. Byzantine efforts to recover their possession proved unsuccessful, and this led to a further political instability in Constantinople, where three emperors were overthrown between A.

    At the same time, in , the Muslims breached the Taurus barrier and advanced into Anatolia. In , another Muslim assault on Constantinople failed, but in , an Arab force of The Bulgarians, hoping to take the city for themselves, attacked the Arabs, who were forced to built two sets of siege works, to contain the Byzantines on one side and to keep out the Bulgarians on the other.

    The most famous expedition that was launched by the Umayyad Arab dynasty of Damascus against Byzantium was undertaken by Maslama b. After capturing Sardis and Pergamum, Maslama undertook his memorable siege of Constantinople oppressing its inhabitants A. August 25, — September The sources are late and contradictory, and the oldest accounts are already more legend than history. In fact, the supreme Muslim effort was made in A. When the new caliph Umar II came to the throne in , he immediately gave orders for Maslama to abandon the siege of Constantinople.

    This was the last direct Muslim effort against Constantinople for over seven centuries. The Muslim army which crossed the Dardanelles at Abydos was equipped with siege artillery, but the armada had to anchor near the walls of the city in the Sea of Marmara and in the Bosporus, as passage into the Golden Horn was barred by a chain. This was another time the Byzantine capital had been besieged by a joint Arab fleet and army Hitti, The Byzantines feared him. This last siege of Constantinople was conducted A.

    This remarkable siege, the most threatening of Arab attacks, was a combined land and sea effort by the Arabs to take the capital city of the Byzantine Empire.

    It is best known because of the many descriptions extant. The failure of the Muslim Arabs to capture Constantinople halted the Arab expansion. The besiegers were reinforced both by sea and by land and received aid from Egyptian ships. They were provided with naphtha and special siege artillery. In connection with this siege we have the first historical reference to the chain which barred the way of the attacking fleet into the Golden Horn.

    The famous Greek fire and the attacks of the Bulgars wrought havoc in the ranks of the invaders Hitti, In September, the Muslim fleet appeared but was driven off by the Byzantines using Greek fire. The Muslim army thus remained trapped in its siege works during an unusually harsh winter. A fleet of ships was sent to replenish the Muslim forces. The ships landed near Chalcedon to avoid the Byzantine fleet. The crews of the Muslim fleet, mostly Egyptian Christians, defeated en masse the Byzantines.

    After a Muslim reinforcing column was destroyed near Nicaea and an epidemic had broken out among the Muslim forces near Constantinople, caliph Umar finally ordered a retreat in August The Muslim retreat was not opposed, but surviving Muslim ships were attacked, and their fleet was further damaged by storms.

    In the siege of Constantinople in A. This tale appears widely in the Arabic-Islamic sources cf. It is said that the emperor stood up, kissed his hand, and walked alongside him to the church, while Maslama still on his horse Ibn A tham, VII.

    The construction of a mosque in Constantinople was a subject of major concern among the Muslims. As long as the Arabs were looking forward to the imminent fall of Constantinople this frontier marked only a temporary pause, but the failure of the siege and the political upheavals which preoccupied the caliphate during much of the middle decades of the eighth century led to a gradual change in strategy and outlook.

    In this period, Byzantine strategy embraced not only positional defense but also a policy of intercepting Muslim raids returning from plundering expeditions. In , the Abbasid army reached the Bosporus, near which they defeated the Byzantines at Nicomedia Izmit or Kocaeli , forcing Irene to sue for peace, accept a three-year truce, and pay tribute.

    In , Abbasid forces advanced to the Byzantine cities of Ephesus and Ancyra Ankara , forcing Empress Irene to reinstate the payment of previously agreed tributes.

    Canali in evidenza

    This proved the last time that a hostile Arab army stood before the walls of the proud capital. In the decisive battle of Poson, the Muslim army was almost entirely destroyed and Umar was slain.

    The victory was celebrated with great pomp at the Hippodrome in Constantinople Mikaberidze, I. With regard to the events of A.

    Ibn Jubayr presents the Muslims conquering Constantinople in A. Furthermore, it was the Latin inhabitants of the city who were slaughtered by the Byzantines in the attack he describes. Concluding remarks As said in the beginning the Arabs created a fleet on the basis of the knowledge they found in certain individuals of the local peoples of the Near East who previously served the Byzantines.

    Among the places conquered by the Muslim Arabs were coastal towns and commercial ports. Some of these local men who knew how to construct and man a ship joined the conquerors and fought alongside them. Besides, there were dockyards both in Syrian and Palestinian coastal towns as well as in those in Egypt.

    That is why the Arabs managed in a short time to draft experts and organize effective fleets.


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